[page 500] Nowadays, Tibetan language books are often printed and bound in what is nearly the universal book format, with a table of contents page listing the parts of the book with their page numbers. More often than not this table of contents page bears as its heading the Tibetan word [d]kar chag[s].1 This was not always the case. In the past few centuries there were, it is true, often short, separately titled texts called dkar chag occurring at the beginning of a lama's collected works (gsung 'bum), or at the beginning of each volume, telling the title of each text enclosed, with at least a letter to indicate its place within the volume, and usually the number of leaves in that volume (each individual text, as a rule, having its own separate pagination). This might help to locate the desired text a bit more efficiently, but that was not the main function. In order to understand this point, one should know that traditional Tibetan books were only rarely bound in signatures. These "books" (which Tibetans call dpe cha), whether handwritten or printed from woodblocks (see Jest), are made up of long, narrow separate sheets, wrapped in cloth (na bza') and then pressed between two slightly larger boards which are tied or otherwise fastened together. The entire ensemble of loose pages, cloth and "book boards" (glegs shing) is called a glegs bam. We should note also that while the cloth is being wrapped around the stack of pages, a cloth label is inserted just before the task is complete. This label extends out[page 501] one of the small ends of the volume; usually, underneath a brocade flap one can discover the name of the author or some other indication of the contents, as well as a letter of the Tibetan alphabet which tells (to the initiate into this arcane system of library "call numbers") which volume of the set it is.

I do not believe it requires a degree in library science to understand how this sort of library composed of individual pages would tend to lend necessity to a "register" that would allow one to know with complete accuracy both how many texts ought to be in a given volume (and in which order) and, also, how many loose sheets ought to be in a given text. Without these "inventories," Tibetan libraries could, and in any case occasionally do, turn into a nearly unsortable jumble of shuffled pages.

We may seem to be proposing that "tables of contents" as we usually understand the term should be recognized as one of the great genres of Tibetan literature. While there may be some justification for this in the canons of modernist art criticism (cf. the shopping list in the story of lithography's origins), it must be remembered that we are here concerned with a traditional Tibetan literary genre that only corresponds in part to an English-book reader's expectations about what a "table of contents" should do, and the key question that needs to be asked is, Contents of what? These dkar chags, these so-called tables of contents, are among the most challenging, intriguing and fascinating documents for the historian of Tibetan culture, society, religion, politics... and they are not being used very much by researchers,2 perhaps in part because they are still considered "just boring lists."

I would first like to attempt a survey of the Tibetan dkar chag literature before advancing a few ideas about the meaning of the word and, finally, supplying a brief outline of one particular example. By far the most celebrated dkar chag is the Shel dkar me long ("White Crystal Mirror") written by the "Great Fifth" Dalai Lama Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho in 1645 C.E. (see Grünwedel, Vostrikov: 222-223, Waddell). It tells of the history and holy objects housed in the "Lhasa Cathedral" (best known as the Jo khang) and other temples in Lhasa. The longest of all dkar chags is the Great Fifth's regent Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho's exhaustive two-volume[page 502] 1697 work concerning the Dalai Lama's genuinely monumental tomb mchod rten that looms up from the lower through the upper storeys of the Potala Palace. This latter work is in some ways completely characteristic of the genre, although its length may make it seem "overblown." Its 766 folio pages contain thirteen chapters, beginning with a cosmogony and cosmography that only gradually begins to narrow in on Tibet, then Lhasa, and finally the Potala itself. It includes a lengthy treatise on astrology/astronomy, since choosing the perfect moments for building and consecrating such a monument is considered quite important. There are elaborate descriptions of the actual layout of the mchod rten, the materials used, the relics and other sacred items (including an enviable library of Buddhist scriptures) that were enclosed within it, a treatise on consecration rituals in general as well as the particular one performed (see Bentor, in this volume), a discussion of the benefits of building and paying reverence to mchod rtens, and so forth. The chapter about the craftsmen employed in the project is especially interesting. The army of artisans—about 1500 are named—came from (besides Tibet) India, Kashmir, China, the areas north of Tibet, and most notably from Nepal; the names of most of the goldsmiths, in particular, are clearly Newari. There is a record of the offerings designated for the upkeep and compensation of the workmen, even some discussion about the tools they used. Overall, the text contains poetry, astronomy, technology, economics, geography, physics, "theology," philosophy, controversy—but also a record of the complex interactions necessary for constructing a public receptacle for "the sacred."

Both of the just-described dkar chags are included in the thirty-three-or-so dkar chags listed among the sources used in the compilation of the Deb ther rgya mtsho ("Ocean Annals," DTGT), the famous history of the A mdo region of northeastern Tibet. Of the thirty-three, twenty-five are dkar chags to holy places (including temples and monasteries), four are for mchod rtens (also, mchod sdong, or gser gdung), and one each for the following: embalming salts (a relic), the Potala Palace, an image, and a cycle of yoga instructions. This list cannot be considered representative of the entire genre. Obviously, the author of the Deb ther rgya mtsho only listed texts useful for his historical enterprise. My impression is that the majority of available texts bearing the word dkar chag in their titles are "tables of contents" to collected works (gsung 'bum)[page 503] or other multi-volumed sets. With some exceptions, these are of little extrinsic interest. However, there are, besides these, quite a few dkar chags that are in effect bibliographies of bodies of Buddhist teachings, or "hand-lists" to library holdings, and these can be of considerable interest to serious students.

The most significant dkar chag of this latter type for students of Buddhism, but also perhaps the oldest surviving text of the genre, is one of three "hand-lists" to scriptural manuscripts housed in particular buildings during Tibet's imperial period. I refer to the lDan dkar ma catalogue (see Lalou). The other two catalogues, the 'Phang thang ma (the earliest) and the mChims phu ma, were available to Tibetan writers of centuries past, but sadly for us have yet to come to light. Consulting the lDan dkar ma helps scholars to ascertain which texts were actually available in late imperial times (the early ninth century). These three texts are believed to be the forerunners of the later canon catalogues, such as the one contained in Bu ston's 1322 Chos 'byung, and the catalogues accompanying the various woodblock-printed editions of the bKa' 'gyur—the Lhasa, sDe dge, Co ne, and others. These latter are not simple lists of texts; they often contain discussions about the "canonicity" of certain texts, about different translations, about problems encountered in their editing, and about still other matters that contemporary textual Buddhologists would do well to utilize more fully than they have until now. They also contain much more; the Co ne catalogue, for example, has an important chapter on the history of the Co ne region. (For more on canon catalogues, see Vostrikov: 205-215.)

We should mention here also catalogues to the "alternative canons"—the Old Tantra Collection catalogues by Kaḥ thog pa written in 1797 (NGB, vols. 35-36) and by 'Jigs med gling pa (NGB, vol. 34). Both of these works are in effect lengthy histories of the rNying ma pa school and include detailed discussions about the various recensions of the collected tantras and issues surrounding them. We must also point out the existence of two catalogues of the Bon canonical collections, the "Word" (bKa') and "Word Adhering" (bKa' brten) (see Kvaerne, in this volume), by Kun grol grags pa (b. 1717) and by a former abbot of sMan ri Monastery, Nyi ma bstan 'dzin (b. 1813). (ZDGC; Kvaerne) Such canon catalogues are terribly important for those who want to learn about, or just to locate printed versions of, scriptural texts. [page 504]

Scriptural texts are not, however, the only things that Buddhists have found holy, and in fact other holy objects might in some contexts take priority, possibly even historically speaking. Take for example this bold statement, bold in light of the fact that many still ignore or downplay the religious and devotional dimensions of Buddhism.

... taking carefully from the legendary elements those references that do not offend rational thought, one assumes that one has discovered an historical figure, who was the founder of a small rationally and philosophically minded community, and that this movement represents 'original Buddhism'. One then goes on to assume that this originally pure doctrine was distorted by later mythical and popular beliefs. There were certainly pure philosophical doctrines propounded during the early history of Buddhism, just as there have been ever since, but there is no such thing as pure Buddhism per se except perhaps the cult of Śākyamuni as a supramundane being, and the cult of the relic stūpa. (Snellgrove, 1973: 411)

The cults of relics and stūpas go far back into Buddhist history, most likely well before the third century B.C.E. reign of Aśoka, from whose time evidence begins to be abundant. In Tibet, there are generally three classes of things that are considered holy, and a temple lacking any one of these three things would hardly be possible. These are the Three Receptacles (rten gsum). The first is the Body Receptacle, meaning mainly icons of Buddhas and Buddhist saints. The second is Speech Receptacle, meaning the Word (bka') of the Buddha, especially the bKa' 'gyur, but extended to other Buddhist books as well. The third is Mind Receptacle, meaning almost always and in any case primarily the stūpa (mchod rten). As I have pointed out elsewhere (Martin, 1994), all three of these may, and in the case of mchod rtens invariably do, contain relics. All three of these may, in fact, have dkar chags written for them, as may the temples and shrines that contain the Three Receptacles, and herein, I believe, lies the key to what we should understand as falling within the dkar chag genre. Stated in a simplified manner, a dkar chag is a text describing the construction and/or content of items which the Tibetan Buddhist traditions consider holy and capable of bestowing blessings (byin brlabs). In the case of temples, monastic complexes, or even natural holy places like[page 505] Mount Kailash, the word dkar chag is interchangeable with the genre term gnas bshad or gnas yig (holy place description/guide). The itinerary, or lam yig, is a quite distinct genre (see J. Newman, in this volume). The gnas yig is a guide to the holy site itself, while a lam yig tells the traveller how to get there.3

A more etymological study of the word [d]kar chag[s], which would explain how this particular word came to have this particular usage, might be welcome at this point. However, here I must confess myself stumped. I have heard several different explanations over the last few years, but none was given with much conviction. The following explanation is offered with equal lack of conviction, but I think that it has some justification. The syllable dkar means "white" and the syllable chags means, among other things, "formation" (as, for example, in the phrase 'jig rten chags tshul, "the way the world was formed"). According to this theory, the word means "formation of white," and may be a (typical Tibetan) abbreviation for a larger phrase such as *dkar chos chags tshul, meaning literally "how white Dharma was formed," to be further interpreted as "an account of merit making." Whether this etymology is a "true" one or not,4 it does tell something important about at least one of the motives for writing these texts, which is just to memorialize the merit of all those who participated in or supported the construction of public objects of worship.

All these points and much more could be demonstrated by looking at any single example. I have chosen to end with one entitled rNga yul chos grwa chen po dGe ldan legs bshad gling gi mchod rten mThong ba don ldan gyi dkar chag: Dad ldan yid kyi dga' ston ("A Mental Festival for the Faithful: dKar chag of the mChod rten 'Significant Vision' at the Great Monastery of rNga yul called dGe ldan legs bshad gling") (Dharma'i ming can, 1987). rNga yul is rNga pa (also spelled lNga ba), or the area now in northern Szechuan Province which appears on modern maps as A-pa Tibetan Autonomous District (Chinese could not pronounce the initial "ng" sound, so it was just dropped). The author, who completed the work in the Fire-Hare year (1987), signs himself as "the foolish person with the name Dharma."[page 506]

After verses eulogizing the Buddha, the teacher who founded the monastery, the monastery itself, and finally the mchod rten, the work proper begins with a discussion of the particular type of mchod rten built. It was a Miracle (cho 'phrul) mChod rten, also called a Delusionary Power Converting (bdud 'dul) mChod rten. This is one of a famous set of eight mchod rtens (on which not all texts are in agreement; see Tucci: 21-24) that commemorate particular events in the life of the Buddha. This one recalls the Buddha's display of miracles at Śrāvastī, and his conversion of the six tīrthika teachers. The main body of the work is divided into four parts:

1. (1) The origins of Body, Speech and Mind Receptacles (pp. 6-17)
2. (2) How the mchod rten in question was constructed (pp. 17-51)
3. (3) The benefits of constructing, prostrating or making offerings to a Receptacle (pp. 51-60)
4. (4) Dedication of the virtuous action of composing the work to the Enlightenment of all beings (pp. 60-63)

(1) The origins of Body, Speech and Mind Receptacles. There are brief stories told about various Body Receptacles, both sculpted and painted, of Indian origin, including those brought by the Chinese and Nepalese queens of Emperor Srong btsan sgam po in the late seventh century. The first Speech Receptacle was erected by Dharmodgata (see Conze: 288 for the story). The part on the Mind Receptacles begins with a general treatment based on scriptural sources and then a more specific discussion of the eight mchod rtens. This serves as background for the construction of the mchod rten that is the main subject of the work.

(2) How the mchod rten was constructed. The monastery of dGe ldan legs bshad gling was newly founded in 1870, at the request of a local ruler called rMe'u Sa dbang chen po, by the Kirti Rinpoche Blo bzang 'phrin las bstan pa rgya mtsho. This teacher was quite famous during his time, and we are fortunate to have a list of his collected works in twelve volumes with a brief biography in a recent publication from the People's Republic (SBTD, I: 18-45). He was born to the south of the lake Kokonor in 1849. In his fifth year he was recognized as the reincarnation of Rong po Chos rje by the third 'Jam dbyangs bzhad pa Incarnate, who gave him the name that appears above. Rong po Chos rje (=Rong po Grub chen sKal ldan rgya mtsho) lived from 1607 to 1677 and is most renowned[page 507] for his founding of the dGe lugs pa monastery Reb skong in A mdo. Kirti Rinpoche studied mainly at the monastic seminary of bKra shis 'khyil (he never travelled to central Tibet), and completed the monastery in rNga pa in 1873, where he died in 1905.

Shortly after his founding of the monastery, Kirti Rinpoche built a mchod rten named "Significant Vision." He composed a dkar chag to this mchod rten in no less than 108 (a significant number) folio pages. It is not, unfortunately, available to me. To return to information found in our dkar chag, we find that this original "Significant Vision" mchod rten was completely destroyed in 1967, one among the many Tibetan cultural monuments destroyed during the "Cultural Revolution." The monastery doors reopened in 1980, following the gradual liberalization policy of the PRC that had begun in 1977, shortly after the death of Chairman Mao. It was in 1983, on the fifteenth day of the seventh Tibetan month, that three monks, together with the author, laid out the chalk lines for the foundation of the new mchod rten, scattering flowers while chanting verses of auspiciousness. Soon afterward, about ten stoneworkers from neighboring Khro cu went to work on the foundation, the "earth-hugger" (sa 'dzin), which was twenty-five "Chinese cubits" (gung khru, i.e., meters) across, with the height of the completed structure to be at over thirty-eight of the same units.

Then, in 1984, a well-known lama visited the monastery and gave a large endowment, thirty thousand yüan and several pounds of silver. This was followed by an avalanche of donations both large and small of money, images, scriptures, building materials. Twenty-four smaller mchod rtens (to surround the main one) were each sponsored by a named individual with donations of fifteen hundred yüan each. Others made donations specifically for the string of prayer wheels that would encircle the mchod rten. Some of these donations are listed as given on behalf of deceased relatives.

Now the text (p. 30) begins to list the sacred articles that were enclosed within the mchod rten. Four monks and one helper were appointed to do the printing of short Sanskrit religious texts called dhāraṇīs, which have various purposes, and have to be produced in great numbers. For some of these, the monastery possessed the necessary woodblocks, but others had to be borrowed. Some were printed in the traditional style directly from woodblocks in the monastery's printshop, while others were machine printed. The[page 508] lines of print have to form a continuous straight line, and so the already long strips of paper are pasted together end-to-end one after the other to form nearly endless ribbons that are then rolled into rolls and sewn into closely fitting cloth packages (na bza'). There were, in this instance, over 152,000 copies of the Five Great Dhāraṇīs treated in this manner. But there were as well whole books inserted into the mchod rten, including fifteen copies of Tsong kha pa's Lam rim chen mo, ten copies of his sNgags rim chen mo, and a silver-lettered Ma ṇi bka' 'bum manuscript, to give just three titles among the more than seventy listed. The dhāraṇīs and religious texts are all included in the first of four classes of relics, the class of Dharma Body Relics.

The second class of relics, which were also inserted, are called "mustard seed-like relics" (yungs dkar lta bu'i ring bsrel). I have discussed this type of relic in some detail elsewhere (Martin, 1994); here it will suffice to say that they are miraculously multiplying crystalline spheres or smooth amber-like substances that sometimes emerge from bones, hair, or other bodily constituents of saints, from icons, and from mchod rtens. The present list includes examples that came from the relics of the Buddha, of the previous Buddha Kāśyapa, from the Potala Palace, from the Great mChod rten at Bodhnath in Nepal Valley, and from the "treasure excavator" (gter ston, or gter bton) Gu ru Chos dbang (1212-1270).

The third class of relics consists of actual bodily remains of Buddhas and Buddhist saints. Bones, teeth, flesh, and blood of mostly, but not entirely, dGe lugs pa saints are listed here. Some of the bodily remains are in the form of tsha tsha (small clay tablets and miniature mchod rtens made with a metal mold, often containing cremation remains), or pellets containing water used to "wash" saintly relics. One such pellet is associated with the remains of Yongs 'dzin Gling Rinpoche (one of the Tutors to the present Dalai Lama) who died in India in 1983.

The fourth class of relics, sku 'bal ring bsrel, "clothing relics," here includes many images that belonged to saints, but also printed images of Padmasambhava (etc.) and painted thang kas. Of course it also includes clothing (but only pieces of the cloth, not usually entire garments), other personal articles (rosaries, bells, etc.), hair, and tsha tsha made by the hands of particular lamas. The listing of the items in this class takes up one fifth of the volume of the book.

(3) The benefits of constructing, prostrating or making offerings to a Receptacle. In the next section are quotes from scriptures telling[page 509] the benefits of constructing icons, mchod rtens, etc., and the benefits of prostrating to, making offerings to, and circumambulating these holy objects. Among others, there is a famous quote from the "Skillful Means" chapter of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Sūtra where the Buddha says that people who themselves draw or have others draw pictures of the Blessed One on walls become enlightened, even those who do so just in play, scratching the wall with a splinter or with their fingernails (Roth: 299; Kern: 50-51). Then there are a few citations on the benefits of building mchod rtens. Here we find a quote from Vanaratna, the thirteenth-century Bengali teacher, about how insects that die under the feet of the workmen or that are touched by the smoke produced while preparing food or drink for the workmen at a place where the Three Jewels dwell do not fall into the three lower realms of rebirth (see also Martin, 1988: 358).

This section ends with more quotes on the good results to be expected from prostrating, making offerings and circumambulating a mchod rten. Making offerings means an act of worship that includes the giving of commodities. Prostrations and circumambulations are acts of worship conceived as the giving of services. Tibetans sometimes combine the two by prostrating their way around mchod rtens. Although the scriptures are not very explicit on this point, Tibetans have generally aimed to perform the high round number of 100,000. Still, since this particular mchod rten has twenty-four lesser mchod rtens surrounding it, the author considers 4,500 circumambulations more than sufficient. He emphasizes the great importance of good motivations, beginning acts of worship with the idea of achieving enlightenment and ending with a dedication of the virtue and an aspiration that all sentient beings will finally achieve enlightenment.

(4) Dedication. The last section of the book dedicates the merits of its composition toward enlightenment, with extra wishes for good crops and an end to battles, famines, droughts and disease—public disasters in general. The dkar chag ends with an author's colophon. He was requested to write it by an incarnate lama, but protested not only that he lacked the ability, but that it would only lead to ridicule and disgrace for the monastery. Still, when the mchod rten neared completion the requests became persistent, so "I, the foolish person with the name Dharma, wrote it following the pattern of past dkar chags."[page 510]

I hope that, even in this highly abridged form, the reader has caught a glimpse of the highly evolved, living pattern of Tibetan religion, something that nearly always fails to make any appearance in the high dreams of esotericists on the one hand, and in the learned publications of scriptural philologists, intellectual Buddhologists, interpreters of Madhyamaka philosophy, and so forth, on the other. Tibetan religiosity, with all its arguable rootedness in classical Buddhist scriptures, has yet taken a shape all its own. It cannot be dismissed as part of a simple dichotomy between a popular mass phenomenon and an aloof monastic hierarchy (although something like this can sometimes be detected); the "popular" phenomenon bridges the official-versus-popular distinction with shared, and not only disparate, perceptions. The world-transcending saints need the denizens of Everyday Land (otherwise, to whom would their compassionate activity be directed?), just as the people, both monk and lay, walking around the mchod rtens need humanly communicable evidence that transcendence is an ever-open option for them as well, an option embodied in the very form and content of the mchod rten, which serves as its "key to memory."5 For them, the saints and believers, and for the student of human religiosity as well, a "table of contents" could prove useful for identifying and locating the holy both inside and outside the texts.

Brag dgon dKon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas

DTGTDeb ther rgya mtsho (=A mdo chos 'byung, =Yul mDo smad kyi ljongs su thub bstan rin po che ji ltar dar ba'i tshul gsal bar brjod pa deb ther rgya mtsho). Delhi: A lag 'Jam dbyangs, 1974. [Also, Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi, 1975]. Composed in 1865.

BSod nams skyid and DBang rgyal, eds.

THNTTun hong nas thon pa'i gna' bo'i Bod yig shog dril. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang [1983/1985].

Conze, Edward

1975The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines & Its Verse Summary[page 512] . Bolinas: Four Seasons Foundation.

Dharma'i ming can

1987rNga yul chos grwa chen po dGe ldan legs bshad gling gi mchod rten mThong ba don ldan gyi dkar chag: Dad ldan yid kyi dga' ston. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives Manuscript Collection, Class no. KA-5, Accessions no. 19265.

Dowman, Keith

1981A Buddhist Guide to the Power Places of the Kathmandu Valley.Kailash 8/3-4: 183-291.

Eimer, Helmut

1983Some Results of Recent Kanjur Research. Archiv für zentralasiatische Geschichtsforschung, Heft 1. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag.

Ferrari, Alfonsa

1958Mk'yen brtse's Guide to the Holy Places of Central Tibet. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente.

Grünwedel, Albert

1919Die Temple von Lhasa: Gedicht des ersten Dalailama, für Pilger bestimmt, aus dem tibetischen Texte mit dem Kommentar ins Deutsche übersetzt.Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 14, pp. 1-93.

Jest, Corneille

1961A Technical Note on the Tibetan Method of Block-Carving.Man [London] 61: 83-85 [article no. 102].

Kaḥ thog Si tu Chos kyi rgya mtsho

BTNKGangs ljongs dbus gtsang gnas bskor lam yig nor bu zla shel gyi se mo do [An Account of a Pilgrimage to Central Tibet during the Years 1918 to 1920]. Palampur: Khams sprul Don brgyud nyi ma, Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang.

Kern, H.

1884Saddharma-Puṇḍarīka or the Lotus of the True Law. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1963.

Kun grol grags pa

ZDGCZab dang rgya che g.yung drung bon gyi bka' 'gyur gyi dkar chag nyi ma 'bum gyi 'od zer. A manuscript in 197 leaves [photographic copy kept at Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Dolanji], composed in 1751.

Kvaerne, Per

1974The Canon of the Tibetan Bonpos.Indo-Iranian Journal 16: 18-56, 96-144.[page 513]

Lalou, Marcelle

1953Les textes bouddhiques au temps de Khri-sroṅ-lde-bcan.Journal asiatique 251 [fasc. 3]: 313-353.

Macdonald, Alexander W.

1975A Little-Read Guide to the Holy Places of Nepal—Part 1.Kailash 3/2: 89-144.

Macdonald, Alexander W., and Dwags-po Rin-po-che

1981Un guide peu lu des Lieux-saints du Nepal. In Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R. A. Stein, vol. 1, pp. 237-273. Ed. by Michel Strickmann. Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises.

Martin, Dan

1988For Love or Religion? Another Look at a 'Love Song' by the Sixth Dalai Lama.Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 138/2: 349-363.

1994Pearls from Bones: Relics, Chortens, Tertons and the Signs of Saintly Death in Tibet.Numen 41: 273-324.

NGB

rNying ma'i rgyud 'bum. 36 vols. Thimphu: Dingo Khyentse Rimpoche, 1973+.

Rossi-Filibeck, Elena de

1976I distretti del Tibet nel diciannovesimo secolo.Annali [Istituto Universitario di Napoli] 36 [=n.s. vol. 26, fasc. 4]: 507-520.

1988Two Tibetan Guide Books to Ti se and La phyi. Monumenta Tibetica Historica, Abteilung 1, Band 4. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag.

Roth, Gustav

1987The Physical Presence of the Buddha and Its Representation in Buddhist Literature. In Investigating Indian Art: Proceedings of a Symposium on the Development of Early Buddhist and Hindu Iconography Held at the Museum of Indian Art Berlin in May 1986, pp. 291-312. Berlin: Museen für Indische Kunst.

SBTD

Mi rigs dpe mdzod khang gi dpe tho las gsung 'bum skor gyi dkar chag shes bya'i gter mdzod. Vol. 1. Zhing hwa: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1984.

Schubert, Johannes

1935Der tibetische Māhātmya des Wallfahrtsplatzes Triloknāth.Artibus Asiae 4 [fasc. 1]: 76-78; 5 [fasc. 2-4]: 127-136.

Snellgrove, David

1973Śākyamuni's Final Nirvāṇa.Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 36: 399-411. [page 514]

1979Places of Pilgrimage in Thag (Thakkhola).Kailash 7/2: 75-170.

Thomas, F. W.

1935+Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents Concerning Chinese Turkestan. London: The Royal Asiatic Society.

Three Karchacks

1970Three Karchacks. Edited and reproduced by Ngawang Gelek Demo with English Introduction by E. Gene Smith. Delhi.

Tucci, Giuseppe

1988Stupa: Art, Architectonics and Symbolism. Indo-Tibetica 1. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan.

Vostrikov, A. I.

1970Tibetan Historical Literature. Trans. by Harish Chandra Gupta. Calcutta: R. D. Press. Composed in 1936; first published in Russian in 1962.

Waddell, L. A.

1895Description of Lhasa Cathedral, Translated from the Tibetan.Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 14: 259-283 [+plate XXVI].

Wylie, Turrell V.

1970A Tibetan Religious Geography of Nepal. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente.

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